http://www.seattlepi.com/olympics/93088_skate28.shtml
The following article discusses the replacement of the old 6.0 figure skating judging system, where marks of each judge was posted, with the new judging system, where the computer randomly and secretly selects the judges’ marks used, and only posts the cumulative score. According to the article the anonymity of the judges was implemented, after the 2002 Olympic scandal, in order to prevent judges from being bribed or pressured to vote for a specific skater. However, this random and secret selection of judges, also gives “judges license to cheat,” as no one is able to trace back the selected scores.
Similarly, Weber argues that the bureaucratic officials monopolize knowledge (power) under secrecy (233). Thus, the secrecy of which judges scores are used, prevents “criticism”(233) and makes it difficult to investigate the score of a skater’s program. As this gives the bureaucratic officials power, it also gives figure skating judges power.
Tuesday, April 14, 2009
Monday, April 6, 2009
Figure Skating Coaches as Specialized Experts
According to Weber, bureaucracy is the most efficient and “technical[ly] superior” organization(214). Weber contrasts bureaucracy with the inefficiency of patrimonialism, where the ruler recruits officials based on personal connections and acts of loyalty(198). In comparison, bureaucracy appoints officials on an impersonal basis of credentials and expertise(215-216). These specialized, “rationally trained” and “detached” experts “contribute to the technical usefulness of bureaucracy,” ultimately increasing the organization’s efficiency(216, 242).
At the Oakland Ice Center, coaches are hired based on expertise in both figure skating and teaching. Coaches are highly accomplished skaters themselves who have passed US Figure Skating tests and placed in accredited competitions. However, coaching not only requires training in figure skating but also teaching. In addition, the Oakland Ice Center only hires coaches that are certified by the Professional Skaters Association to teach at a certain level in a specified discipline of figure skating (i.e. Free Skating, Pairs, Dance, Choreography, etc). These ratings are earned through written and oral examinations and attendance at educational events(Professional Skaters Association). Therefore coaches are not only certified, and vigorously trained, but also specialized within a specific field of figure skating. This specialized expertise allows coaches to teach skaters in an efficient manner, whereby pair skaters are taught by pair experts, and ice dancers are taught by dance experts. Thus, instruction by a specialized coach allows skaters to improve in their specialized field.
In comparison to Weber’s positive view of specialized expertise to lead to efficiency within the rink, Marx would say that the forced division of labor at the rink exploits coaches through the control of their labor power(Tucker 477,159). Instead of forced division of labor, Marx promotes voluntary division of labor within the realm of freedom, where coaches can freely choose which fields of skating to undertake, thereby developing their multifaceted talents. Therefore, Marx would encourage coaches to teach pair skating in the morning, ice dancing in the afternoon, free skating in the evening without ever becoming a pair skating, ice dancing, or free skating coach(Tucker 160). So Marx would encourage the Oakland Ice Center to abolish specialization, and adopt voluntary division of labor where coaches have general knowledge and able to teach all forms of figure skating.
Although a specialized coach increases the efficiency within a private skating lesson, the same coach is unable to control and discipline a large group of beginner skaters (i.e. Tiny Tots, Mommy and Me, Special Skaters) without the assistance of volunteers. In contrast to Weber’s theory, even though these volunteers are more advanced than the students in the class, they are not certified, trained, or experts within a specific field. However, these volunteers are able to relate to and understand the difficulties in learning the basics of skating. Thus the expanded perspective of a volunteer helps beginner skaters in ways that a specialized coach, with a narrow perspective, is unable to do. This narrow perspective of a specialized expert exemplifies a dysfunction of bureaucracy, which Weber fails to take into consideration.
References
Professional Skaters Asssociation. 2007. “Accreditation and Certification.” (http://www.skatepsa.com/Accreditation-&-Certification-PSA.htm).
Tucker, Robert C, ed. 1978. The Marx-Engels Reader. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.
Weber, M. Bureaucracy. (1958). H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills ed. From Sociology 101B Reader, ed. By Burawoy, M. Berkeley, CA: Copy Central.
At the Oakland Ice Center, coaches are hired based on expertise in both figure skating and teaching. Coaches are highly accomplished skaters themselves who have passed US Figure Skating tests and placed in accredited competitions. However, coaching not only requires training in figure skating but also teaching. In addition, the Oakland Ice Center only hires coaches that are certified by the Professional Skaters Association to teach at a certain level in a specified discipline of figure skating (i.e. Free Skating, Pairs, Dance, Choreography, etc). These ratings are earned through written and oral examinations and attendance at educational events(Professional Skaters Association). Therefore coaches are not only certified, and vigorously trained, but also specialized within a specific field of figure skating. This specialized expertise allows coaches to teach skaters in an efficient manner, whereby pair skaters are taught by pair experts, and ice dancers are taught by dance experts. Thus, instruction by a specialized coach allows skaters to improve in their specialized field.
In comparison to Weber’s positive view of specialized expertise to lead to efficiency within the rink, Marx would say that the forced division of labor at the rink exploits coaches through the control of their labor power(Tucker 477,159). Instead of forced division of labor, Marx promotes voluntary division of labor within the realm of freedom, where coaches can freely choose which fields of skating to undertake, thereby developing their multifaceted talents. Therefore, Marx would encourage coaches to teach pair skating in the morning, ice dancing in the afternoon, free skating in the evening without ever becoming a pair skating, ice dancing, or free skating coach(Tucker 160). So Marx would encourage the Oakland Ice Center to abolish specialization, and adopt voluntary division of labor where coaches have general knowledge and able to teach all forms of figure skating.
Although a specialized coach increases the efficiency within a private skating lesson, the same coach is unable to control and discipline a large group of beginner skaters (i.e. Tiny Tots, Mommy and Me, Special Skaters) without the assistance of volunteers. In contrast to Weber’s theory, even though these volunteers are more advanced than the students in the class, they are not certified, trained, or experts within a specific field. However, these volunteers are able to relate to and understand the difficulties in learning the basics of skating. Thus the expanded perspective of a volunteer helps beginner skaters in ways that a specialized coach, with a narrow perspective, is unable to do. This narrow perspective of a specialized expert exemplifies a dysfunction of bureaucracy, which Weber fails to take into consideration.
References
Professional Skaters Asssociation. 2007. “Accreditation and Certification.” (http://www.skatepsa.com/Accreditation-&-Certification-PSA.htm).
Tucker, Robert C, ed. 1978. The Marx-Engels Reader. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.
Weber, M. Bureaucracy. (1958). H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills ed. From Sociology 101B Reader, ed. By Burawoy, M. Berkeley, CA: Copy Central.
Monday, March 9, 2009
Power at the Oakland Ice Rink
Hierarchical observation(HO) represents one of the three mechanisms of disciplinary power(DP), in which power affects the soul and trains individuals(170). According to Foucault, discipline operates through surveillance so that one is being coerced through constant observation, without the need for physical violence(170-171). While the observer is invisible, the subjects are visible. This emphasis on the subjects, exemplifies descending individualism, compared to the emphasis on the rulers in sovereign power. Since one never knows when one is being watched, fear and control become internalized, so that appropriate conduct is constantly maintained. Moreover, this constant observation is conducted by “relays” of surveyors that are hierarchically organized through reciprocal power relations induced both from lower to higher ranks, and from higher to lower ranks(174,176).
In addition to the consequence of paranoia and appropriate conduct, HO allows DP to be permanently infused in all micro-elements of society(177). This power is also “silent” in that people are not even consciously aware of their complete subjection to its power. The pyramidal structure of HO also “increases [an institution’s] efficiency” as specialized procedures are incorporated and work together(176).
The increased efficiency in DP, through HO, is also evident in Durkheim’s theory of organic solidarity(OS). Durkheim’s emphasis on the individualism within collective conscious in OS, parallels Foucault’s concept of descending individualism. However, while for Foucault, DP rehabilitates and trains individuals, restitutive laws in OS restores order. Furthermore, for Foucault, HO represents a mechanism of coercion. In comparison, forced DL is absent in Durkheim’s theory, as individuals are happy to fulfill their natural talents.
The architecture of the Oakland Ice Center represents a means of HO. Foucault describes the architecture of HO to “render[s] visible those who are inside it” so that rules are obeyed and power is internalized(172). Similarly, the oval shaped rink is enclosed by plexiglass, allowing all skaters to be made visible. The bleachers that surround the rink also allow the onlookers at the top of the bleachers to be able to “see everything”(173). This visibility enforces skaters to follow the rule of skating counter clockwise. HO is also present, as the managers supervise the guards on the ice, who observe the skaters.
Although Foucault analyzes power through visibility, he does not recognize that power is heightened when one is aware of being consistently watched. Although in practice, figure skaters may be observed, they are not afraid to make mistakes, redo their program, and experiment with choreography. However, in competition, skaters are being officially judged must perform their best. Instead of all skaters practicing at the same time, in competition, judges and audience members’ attention are fixed on one skater. Visibility is further heightened as judges are able to rewind, slow down, and pause every body position in recorded videos. The skater’s awareness of being consistently observed in competition is exemplified through elaborate dresses and costumes, compared to the simple apparel worn in practice. Therefore, Foucault does not acknowledge the degrees of visibility and the increase in power as one becomes more paranoid of being observed.
In addition to the consequence of paranoia and appropriate conduct, HO allows DP to be permanently infused in all micro-elements of society(177). This power is also “silent” in that people are not even consciously aware of their complete subjection to its power. The pyramidal structure of HO also “increases [an institution’s] efficiency” as specialized procedures are incorporated and work together(176).
The increased efficiency in DP, through HO, is also evident in Durkheim’s theory of organic solidarity(OS). Durkheim’s emphasis on the individualism within collective conscious in OS, parallels Foucault’s concept of descending individualism. However, while for Foucault, DP rehabilitates and trains individuals, restitutive laws in OS restores order. Furthermore, for Foucault, HO represents a mechanism of coercion. In comparison, forced DL is absent in Durkheim’s theory, as individuals are happy to fulfill their natural talents.
The architecture of the Oakland Ice Center represents a means of HO. Foucault describes the architecture of HO to “render[s] visible those who are inside it” so that rules are obeyed and power is internalized(172). Similarly, the oval shaped rink is enclosed by plexiglass, allowing all skaters to be made visible. The bleachers that surround the rink also allow the onlookers at the top of the bleachers to be able to “see everything”(173). This visibility enforces skaters to follow the rule of skating counter clockwise. HO is also present, as the managers supervise the guards on the ice, who observe the skaters.
Although Foucault analyzes power through visibility, he does not recognize that power is heightened when one is aware of being consistently watched. Although in practice, figure skaters may be observed, they are not afraid to make mistakes, redo their program, and experiment with choreography. However, in competition, skaters are being officially judged must perform their best. Instead of all skaters practicing at the same time, in competition, judges and audience members’ attention are fixed on one skater. Visibility is further heightened as judges are able to rewind, slow down, and pause every body position in recorded videos. The skater’s awareness of being consistently observed in competition is exemplified through elaborate dresses and costumes, compared to the simple apparel worn in practice. Therefore, Foucault does not acknowledge the degrees of visibility and the increase in power as one becomes more paranoid of being observed.
Wednesday, February 4, 2009
Durkheim assignment
According to Durkheim, the division of labor allows for the interdependence of complimentary differences, as exemplified by organic solidarity. Although the division of labor at the Oakland Ice Arena leads to organic solidarity, in opposition to Durkheim, it also leads to conflict.
The division of labor is “specialization” within society where productivity is seen in the “competent man…devote[d] to a single furrow” instead of a “man of parts”(2, 4). Although Durkheim acknowledges the increase in “productive capacity and skill of the workman”, he emphasizes division of labor as the cause of organic solidarity, and thus represents a “moral constitution”(3). Durkheim argues that as specialization increases, people differ and become interdependent so that “individuals are linked…[and] concert their efforts”(21). Rooted in the division of labor, Durkheim refers to this interdependent unity of complimentary differences as organic solidarity (17, 85). Organic solidarity emphasizes individual consciousness rather than collective consciousness(23, 85).
Durkheim’s argument of the “division of labor as the source….of social solidarity” is exemplified within the Oakland Ice Center(23). At the Oakland Ice Center, ice guards assist fallen skaters, coaches teach, and Zamboni drivers resurface the ice. These specific workers at the rink are dependent on each other for the maintenance not only of the rink but also their job, ultimately creating a cooperative environment. Within the competitive sphere of figure skating, a skater’s support team not only consists of one coach, but also the collaboration of a choreographer, technical coach, artistic coach, and parent. On the ice, skaters politely give the right of way to others in a lesson. This division of labor is also reflected in competitions, where judges critique skaters, skaters compete, ice monitors supervise, and audiences cheer.
This link between the division of labor and organic solidarity is also apparent within the sport institution. In team sports solidarity not only exists between athletes, coaches, sponsors, and managers, but also within the team. Football consists of a defense and offense team, and specialized positions, such as quarterback, running back, and wide receiver. Due to this specialization, players are interdependent and unite under one team.
Although increased specialization leads to organic solidarity in the figure skating community, in contrast to Durkheim’s argument, it also leads to conflict. Although the sexual division of labor in pair skating allows for a balance and cohesion of the stereotypical athletic qualities of the male and artistic qualities of the female, behind the scenes pair skaters consistently quarrel with one another. At the Oakland Ice Center, single skaters fight with their over-ambitious parents and coaches. In fact, competitive figure skating is stained with scandals including the 1994 attack of Nancy Kerrigan by fellow rival, Tonya Harding, and the 2002 judging controversy. Moreover, the institution of sports, while exemplifying aspects of solidarity, also portrays conflict. Even within unified teams, fights often break out in locker rooms. This coexistence of solidarity and conflict contradicts Durkheim’s argument that as specialization increases, conflict overbears solidarity only in abnormal times; and in normal times, solidarity dominates with little conflict.
References
Durkheim, E. 1984. The Division of Labor in Society. New York: The Free Press.
The division of labor is “specialization” within society where productivity is seen in the “competent man…devote[d] to a single furrow” instead of a “man of parts”(2, 4). Although Durkheim acknowledges the increase in “productive capacity and skill of the workman”, he emphasizes division of labor as the cause of organic solidarity, and thus represents a “moral constitution”(3). Durkheim argues that as specialization increases, people differ and become interdependent so that “individuals are linked…[and] concert their efforts”(21). Rooted in the division of labor, Durkheim refers to this interdependent unity of complimentary differences as organic solidarity (17, 85). Organic solidarity emphasizes individual consciousness rather than collective consciousness(23, 85).
Durkheim’s argument of the “division of labor as the source….of social solidarity” is exemplified within the Oakland Ice Center(23). At the Oakland Ice Center, ice guards assist fallen skaters, coaches teach, and Zamboni drivers resurface the ice. These specific workers at the rink are dependent on each other for the maintenance not only of the rink but also their job, ultimately creating a cooperative environment. Within the competitive sphere of figure skating, a skater’s support team not only consists of one coach, but also the collaboration of a choreographer, technical coach, artistic coach, and parent. On the ice, skaters politely give the right of way to others in a lesson. This division of labor is also reflected in competitions, where judges critique skaters, skaters compete, ice monitors supervise, and audiences cheer.
This link between the division of labor and organic solidarity is also apparent within the sport institution. In team sports solidarity not only exists between athletes, coaches, sponsors, and managers, but also within the team. Football consists of a defense and offense team, and specialized positions, such as quarterback, running back, and wide receiver. Due to this specialization, players are interdependent and unite under one team.
Although increased specialization leads to organic solidarity in the figure skating community, in contrast to Durkheim’s argument, it also leads to conflict. Although the sexual division of labor in pair skating allows for a balance and cohesion of the stereotypical athletic qualities of the male and artistic qualities of the female, behind the scenes pair skaters consistently quarrel with one another. At the Oakland Ice Center, single skaters fight with their over-ambitious parents and coaches. In fact, competitive figure skating is stained with scandals including the 1994 attack of Nancy Kerrigan by fellow rival, Tonya Harding, and the 2002 judging controversy. Moreover, the institution of sports, while exemplifying aspects of solidarity, also portrays conflict. Even within unified teams, fights often break out in locker rooms. This coexistence of solidarity and conflict contradicts Durkheim’s argument that as specialization increases, conflict overbears solidarity only in abnormal times; and in normal times, solidarity dominates with little conflict.
References
Durkheim, E. 1984. The Division of Labor in Society. New York: The Free Press.
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
Proposal
The figure skating community represents an arena where vast sociological aspects come into play. This semester I will attempt to study these sociological aspects at the Oakland Ice Center and expand my analysis on the figure skating community and the institution of sport at large. As a figure skater I have grown up in the ice rink and witnessed and participated in these sociological aspects, such as the sexual division of labor between female and male figure skaters. In the history of figure skating, the sport has emphasized and rewarded athletic qualities for men and artistic qualities for females. For example, in the 1992 Olympics, men figure skaters were required to perform three triple jumps while women figure skaters were forbidden to perform more than one. While male figure skaters wear pants and black skate boots, female figure skaters wear dresses, tights, and white skate boots. This difference in apparel emphasizes their gender roles of athlete (male) vs. artist (female). This gender role is also highlighted in pair and ice dancing where the male acts as the “leader” and the female as the “follower.”
Within the figure skating community, Marx may describe the division of labor between the ice rink owners/managers and the skaters. The ice rink owners/managers exemplify the Relations of Production (who gets what?), who have private property (the rink) so thus receive profit from admission, skate rental, parties, skating classes, etc. Whereas, the skaters represent the Forces of Production (who does what?), who skate and bring business to the rink. He would also see class divisions between coach versus skater, competitive versus non-competitive skaters, and between the various levels of skating ability. In a freestyle session of only figure skaters, which is not open to the public, the advanced skaters tend to dominate the ice while the intermediate and beginner skaters politely skate in the corners. Thus although all skaters pay an equal amount, the advanced skaters still “exploit” the lower level skaters on the ice.
Within the figure skating community, Marx may describe the division of labor between the ice rink owners/managers and the skaters. The ice rink owners/managers exemplify the Relations of Production (who gets what?), who have private property (the rink) so thus receive profit from admission, skate rental, parties, skating classes, etc. Whereas, the skaters represent the Forces of Production (who does what?), who skate and bring business to the rink. He would also see class divisions between coach versus skater, competitive versus non-competitive skaters, and between the various levels of skating ability. In a freestyle session of only figure skaters, which is not open to the public, the advanced skaters tend to dominate the ice while the intermediate and beginner skaters politely skate in the corners. Thus although all skaters pay an equal amount, the advanced skaters still “exploit” the lower level skaters on the ice.
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